Ambedkar’s Political career

தேர்தலில் அம்பேத்கர் #Bookmark #Self

In 1937 provincial elections conducted, in accordance with the Government of India Act 1935, ILP(Independent Labour Party) secured a total of 14 seats out of 17 in which they contested. This included 11 reserved (out of 13) and 3 general seats (out of 4)

அம்பேத்கரை எதிர்த்து ஒரு கிரிக்கெட் வீரர் தேர்தலில் நின்றிருக்கிறார் In October 1933, Baloo stood for election for a seat on the Bombay Municipality, on a Hindu Mahasabha ticket. His opponent was a high caste Hindu, well liked by many sections of the community. Baloo lost 2,179 votes to 3,030.

In 1937, Baloo ran against Ambedkar for a designated “Scheduled Caste” seat in the Bombay Legislative Assembly. Ambedkar defeated Baloo by the close margin of 13,245 votes to 11,225.

Hulla Baloo In Poona Gym

Palwankar_BalooBy virtue of his deeds on the cricket field, Baloo had become an honoured and respected leader of the low castes. In September 1932 he acted as a mediator in the Poona Pact, the compromise settlement on Scheduled Caste representation arrived at between Mahatma Gandhi and Dr. B. R. Ambedkar. In the winter of 1933-34, this stalwart of the Hindu cricket team fought a by-election for a seat in the Bombay Municipality. He lost to a Parsi doctor, Homi F. Pavri. Three years later Baloo was chosen by the Congress to oppose Ambedkar in the elections of 1937. Ambedkar had disavowed the Poona Pact, and was standing on the ticket of his own Scheduled Caste Federation. The seat being contested for was for the ‘E’ and ‘F’ wards of Bombay city. To everyone’s surprise, the great cricketer gave the greater lawyer a stiff fight. Baloo obtained 11,225 votes, Ambedkar 13,245.

It was a close-run thing, and would have been closer still had Baloo’s chances not been affected by a Congress rebel who stood as an independent. Had this spoiler withdrawn, claimed one newspaper, then ”Dr. Ambedkar would have been positively swamped”.

Cricket and Politics in Colonial India – Guha (page 169)

கிரிப்ஸ் நீங்கள் தான் பட்டியல் சாதி மக்களின் ஒரே பிரதிநிதி என்பதற்கு என்ன ஆதாரம் என்று கேட்டார். அதற்காக தொடங்கப்பட்டது பட்டியல் சாதி கூட்டமைப்பு (Scheduled Castes Federation)

The Cripps Mission Report of February 1942 became the last straw and he had to dissolve the ILP and launch the Scheduled Caste Federation.
Birth of All-India Scheduled Castes Federation

அவருக்கு அவருடைய வகுப்பாருடைய ஆதரவு இருக்கிறதா என்றால் அது பூஜ்ஜியம் என்பதோடு இனத்தார் அத்தனை பேரும் தனக்கு ஆதரவளிக்கும்படியான வலிமை பொருந்திய ஸ்தாபனமும் இல்லை. இனத்தின் தக்க செல்வமோ செல்வாக்கோ துணிந்து வெளிவந்து ஆதரவளிக்கக் கூடியது ஆளுகளும் மிகக்குறைவு. – பெரியார் 1944 இல்

federationAmbedkar’s organisation is somewhat more local in its character – Cripps

House of Commons – Debate 18 July 1946

In March 1946, general elections were held for the provincial assemblies. The SCF as other political parties, actively participated in the elections. It contested altogether for 51 seats (Madras-24, Bombay-5, Bengal-6, UP-5, CP and Berar -11). Of all the contestants one from Bengal (Shri S.N.Mandal) and other from the CP and Berar (Shri R.P.Jadhav) were elected to the respective assemblies

The crisis of representation for dalit politics manifested itself in the elections of 1945±46, in which the Congress almost completely ousted the Federation from the Scheduled Castes reserved seats all over India. In Bombay, where in 1937 the non-Congress dalits had won 12 General seats, this time the Federation contested in 19 General seats, including 15 reserved seats, and was defeated in almost all by Congress candidates. So far as the reserved seats were con-cerned,14 went to Congress candidates and the remaining one to an Independent candidate. Congress won all the reserved seats in Madras (30), United Provinces (20), Bihar (15), Assam (7) and Orissa (7). Among the other provinces, in Bengal congress won in 24 out of 30 reserved seats, the independent candidates winning in 4, the Communist Party in 1 and the Federation in 1 only. In Punjab, the Congress won in 6 and the Unionists in 2 of the 8 reserved seats. In the Central Provinces and Berar, another previous stronghold of the Federation, Congress won in 19 of the 20 reserved seats, the Federation candidate taking the other one.So, out of 151 reserved seats all over India, the Federation candidates won in only 2 seats one in Bengal and one in C.P. But what was more startling, even in the Primary Elections, the Federation had contested only in 22 seats and only in Bombay and C.P., votes polled in favour of the Federation were more than those cast in favour of the Congress. In Madras, the situation was more or less evenly balanced, while in the rest of the country, the votes cast in favour of Congress and `others’ were much more than those in favour of the Federation. The colonial govern-ment could draw only one predictable conclusion from this electoral disaster:
. . . The Federation has only local influence in a few areas in Bombay and the C.P. . . . The fact that they have not forced the issue in as much as 129 out of the 151 constituencies and have not even put up candidates in quite a good number of constituencies must be taken to be an indication that they had no reasonable chance of success even in the primary elections.

27_26The question now is, how to explain this disaster. The Working Committee of the Federation had perhaps anticipated it, as in a resolution adopted at a meeting in Poona on 2-3 October 1945 ,it had expressed its concern. The high property qualifications, it argued, had excluded the majority of the dalits from franchise, and therefore in a general electorate they had hardly any chance of get-ting their own representatives elected to the provincial legislatures.
And therefore, the resolution claimed, a Constituent Assembly, drawn from such unrepresentative provincial legislatures would have no `moral authority to frame a constitution’.

But even though we recognize the undeniable truth in this contention, we cannot explain the spectacular disaster only in terms of joint electorate. It cannot explain why the overwhelming majority of votes even in the primary
elections, where only the dalits voted, went to candidates other than those of the Federation. And more particularly, it cannot explain why the Federation could not even field candidates in as many as 129 out of 151 reserved seats. What this situation perhaps clearly indicates is a near total lack of organization. via Transfer of Power and the Crisis of Dalit Politics in India, 1945-47 Sekhar Bandyopadhyay

V.I.முனிசுவாமி பிள்ளை அவர்கள் அம்பேத்கருக்கு அளித்த பதில் 

In January 1950, speaking at a general public meeting in Bombay, organized by the SCF, he advised the dalits to cooperate with the Congress

பொது தேர்தலுக்கு எத்தனை நாள்களுக்கு முன் ராஜநாமா செய்தார் ?

அகில இந்திய பட்டியல் சாதியினர் கூட்டமைப்பின் செயற்குழுக் கூட்டம், புது தில்லியில் உள்ள டாக்டர் அம்பேத்கரின் வீட்டில் 6.10.1951 அன்று நடைபெற்றது. இக்கூட்டத்தில், தேர்தல் அறிக்கையைத் தயாரிக்க முடிவு செய்யப்பட்டது. இந்து மகா சபா, ஆர்.எஸ்.எஸ்., ஜன் சங் மற்றும் கம்யூனிஸ்ட் கட்சிகளுடன் கூட்டணி வைத்துக் கொள்ளக் கூடாது என இக்கூட்டத்தில் முடிவெடுக்கப்பட்டது. பிற அரசியல் கட்சிகளுடன் கூட்டணி வைத்துக் கொள்வது குறித்து முடிவெடுக்க, டாக்டர் அம்பேத்கர், என். சிவராஜ் மற்றும் பாபுசாகேப் ராஜ்போஜ் ஆகியோர் அடங்கிய சிறப்புக் குழுவுக்கு அதிகாரம் அளிக்கப்பட்டது. காங்கிரஸ் உடன் கூட்டணிக்காக பேசியிருக்கலாம்

1951 Loksabha Election
page 86

In the first general elections held in 1952, the SCF contested for 34 Lok Sabha seats (4 from Bombay, 3 from CP and Berar, 9 from Madras, 2 from Punjab, 8 from UP, 4 from Hyderabad, 1 from Rajasthan, 1 from Delhi, 1 from Himachal pradesh and 1 from Vindhya pradesh. Out of them only 2 candidates were elected. They were Shri P.N.Rajbhoj from Solapur (Maharashtra) and other was Shri M.R.Krishna from Karimnagar. However Dr.Ambedkar, who contested from Bombay (north) could not get elected. Again he contested from Bhandara Lok sabha by-election.
The SCF contested for 215 seats in the legislative assemblies of various states. Of all the 215 seats, the party won 12 seats (5 from Hyderabad, 2 from Madras, 1 from Bombay, 2 from Mysore, 1 from Pepsu and one from Himachal pradesh. Dr.Ambedkar got elected from Bombay legislative assembly to the rajya sabha and shri J.H.Subbiah, the SCF leader from hyderabad got elected to the Rajya Sabha in 1952
Congress gave him a Rajya Sabha seat

நேருவின் ஆதரவால் ராஜசபாவிற்கு தேர்ந்தெடுக்கப்பட்டுள்ளார்
March 1953

அம்பேத்கர் ஆரம்பித்த கட்சியின் தற்போதைய நிலை


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